by Saint Teresa

Re-imprimatur.

+ Franciscus

Archiepiscopus Westmonast.
27 Sept., 1904.
_________________________________________________________________

The Life
of
St. Teresa of Jesus,
of the Order of Our Lady of Carmel.

Written by Herself.

Translated from the Spanish by
David Lewis.

Third Edition Enlarged.

With additional Notes and an Introduction by
Rev. Fr. Benedict Zimmerman, O.C.D.


London:
Thomas Baker


New York:
Benziger Bros.

MCMIV.
_________________________________________________________________

Contents.

Chap.

[1]Introduction to the Third Edition, by Rev. B. Zimmerman

[2]St. Teresa's Arguments of the Chapters

[3]Preface by David Lewis

[4]Annals of the Saint's Life

[5]Prologue

[6]I. Childhood and early Impressions The Blessing of pious Parents Desire
of Martyrdom Death of the Saint's Mother

[7]II. Early Impressions Dangerous Books and Companions The Saint is placed
in a Monastery

[8]III. The Blessing of being with good people How certain Illusions were
removed

[9]IV. Our Lord helps her to become a Nun Her many Infirmities

[10]V. Illness and Patience of the Saint The Story of a Priest whom she
rescued from a Life of Sin

[11]VI. The great Debt she owed to our Lord for His Mercy to her She takes
St. Joseph for her Patron

[12]VII. Lukewarmness The Loss of Grace Inconvenience of Laxity in Religious
Houses

[13]VIII. The Saint ceases not to pray Prayer the way to recover what is
lost All exhorted to pray The great Advantage of Prayer, even to those who
may have ceased from it

[14]IX. The means whereby our Lord quickened her Soul, gave her Light in her
Darkness, and made her strong in Goodness

[15]X. The Graces she received in Prayer What we can do ourselves The great
Importance of understanding what our Lord is doing for us She desires her
Confessors to keep her Writings secret, because of the special Graces of our
Lord to her, which they had commanded her to describe

[16]XI. Why men do not attain quickly to the perfect Love of God Of Four
Degrees of Prayer Of the First Degree The Doctrine profitable for Beginners,
and for those who have no sensible Sweetness

[17]XII. What we can ourselves do The Evil of desiring to attain to
supernatural States before our Lord calls us

[18]XIII. Of certain Temptations of Satan Instructions relating thereto

[19]XIV. The Second State of Prayer Its supernatural Character

[20]XV. Instructions for those who have attained to the Prayer of Quiet Many
advance so far, but few go farther

[21]XVI. The Third State of Prayer Deep Matters What the Soul can do that
has reached it Effects of the great Graces of our Lord

[22]XVII. The Third State of Prayer The Effects thereof The Hindrance caused
by the Imagination and the Memory

[23]XVIII. The Fourth State of Prayer The great Dignity of the Soul raised
to it by our Lord Attainable on Earth, not by our Merit, but by the Goodness
of our Lord

[24]XIX. The Effects of this Fourth State of Prayer Earnest Exhortations to
those who have attained to it not to go back nor to cease from Prayer, even
if they fall The great Calamity of going back

[25]XX. The Difference between Union and Rapture What Rapture is The
Blessing it is to the Soul The Effects of it

[26]XXI. Conclusion of the Subject Pain of the Awakening Light against
Delusions

[27]XXII. The Security of Contemplatives lies in their not ascending to high
Things if our Lord does not raise them The Sacred Humanity must be the Road
to the highest Contemplation A Delusion in which the Saint was once
entangled

[28]XXIII. The Saint resumes the History of her Life Aiming at
Perfection Means whereby it may be gained Instructions for Confessors

[29]XXIV. Progress under Obedience Her Inability to resist the Graces of
God God multiplies His Graces

[30]XXV. Divine Locutions Delusions on that Subject

[31]XXVI. How the Fears of the Saint vanished How she was assured that her
Prayer was the Work of the Holy Spirit

[32]XXVII. The Saint prays to be directed in a different way Intellectual
Visions

[33]XXVIII. Visions of the Sacred Humanity and of the glorified
Bodies Imaginary Visions Great Fruits thereof when they come from God

[34]XXIX. Of Visions The Graces our Lord bestowed on the Saint The Answers
our Lord gave her for those who tried her

[35]XXX. St. Peter of Alcantara comforts the Saint Great Temptations and
Interior Trials

[36]XXXI. Of certain outward Temptations and Appearances of Satan Of the
Sufferings thereby occasioned Counsels for those who go on unto Perfection

[37]XXXII. Our Lord shows St. Teresa the Place which she had by her Sins
deserved in Hell The Torments there How the Monastery of St. Joseph was
founded

[38]XXXIII. The Foundation of the Monastery hindered Our Lord consoles the
Saint

[39]XXXIV. The Saint leaves her Monastery of the Incarnation for a time, at
the command of her superior Consoles an afflicted Widow

[40]XXXV. The Foundation of the House of St. Joseph Observance of holy
Poverty therein How the Saint left Toledo

[41]XXXVI. The Foundation of the Monastery of St. Joseph Persecution and
Temptations Great interior Trial of the Saint, and her Deliverance

[42]XXXVII. The Effects of the divine Graces in the Soul The inestimable
Greatness of one Degree of Glory

[43]XXXVIII. Certain heavenly Secrets, Visions, and Revelations The Effects
of them in her Soul

[44]XXXIX. Other Graces bestowed on the Saint The Promises of our Lord to
her Divine Locutions and Visions

[45]XL. Visions, Revelations, and Locutions

The Relations.

Relation.

[46]I. Sent to St. Peter of Alcantara in 1560 from the Monastery of the
Incarnation, Avila

[47]II. To one of her Confessors, from the House of Doña Luisa de la Cerda,
in 1562

[48]III. Of various Graces granted to the Saint from the year 1568 to 1571,
inclusive

[49]IV. Of the Graces the Saint received in Salamanca at the end of Lent,
1571

[50]V. Observations on certain Points of Spirituality

[51]VI. The Vow of Obedience to Father Gratian which the Saint made in 1575

[52]VII. Made for Rodrigo Alvarez, S.J., in the year 1575, according to Don
Vicente de la Fuente; but in 1576, according to the Bollandists and F. Bouix

[53]VIII. Addressed to F. Rodrigo Alvarez

[54]IX. Of certain spiritual Graces she received in Toledo and Avila in the
years 1576 and 1577

[55]X. Of a Revelation to the Saint at Avila, 1579, and of Directions
concerning the Government of the Order

[56]XI. Written from Palencia in May, 1581, and addressed to Don Alonzo
Velasquez, Bishop of Osma, who had been when Canon of Toledo, one of the
Saint's Confessors
_________________________________________________________________

Introduction to the Present Edition.

When the publisher entrusted me with the task of editing this volume, one
sheet was already printed and a considerable portion of the book was in
type. Under his agreement with the owners of the copyright, he was bound to
reproduce the text and notes, etc., originally prepared by Mr. David Lewis
without any change, so that my duty was confined to reading the proofs and
verifying the quotations. This translation of the Life of St. Teresa is so
excellent, that it could hardly be improved. While faithfully adhering to
her wording, the translator has been successful in rendering the lofty
teaching in simple and clear language, an achievement all the more
remarkable as in addition to the difficulty arising from the transcendental
nature of the subject matter, the involved style, and the total absence of
punctuation tend to perplex the reader. Now and then there might be some
difference of opinion as to how St. Teresa's phrases should be construed,
but it is not too much to say that on the whole Mr. Lewis has been more
successful than any other translator, whether English or foreign. Only in
one case have I found it necessary to make some slight alteration in the
text, and I trust the owners of the copyright will forgive me for doing so.
In [57]Chapter XXV.,§ 4, St. Teresa, speaking of the difference between the
Divine and the imaginary locutions, says that a person commending a matter
to God with great earnestness, may think that he hears whether his prayer
will be granted or not: y es muy posible, "and this is quite possible," but
he who has ever heard a Divine locution will see at once that this assurance
is something quite different. Mr. Lewis, following the old Spanish editions,
translated "And it is most impossible," whereas both the autograph and the
context demand the wording I have ventured to substitute.

When Mr. Lewis undertook the translation of St. Teresa's works, he had
before him Don Vicente de la Fuente's edition (Madrid, 1861“1862), supposed
to be a faithful transcript of the original. In 1873 the Sociedad
Foto-Tipografica-Catolica of Madrid published a photographic reproduction of
the Saint's autograph in 412 pages in folio, which establishes the true text
once for all. Don Vicente prepared a transcript of this, in which he wisely
adopted the modern way of spelling but otherwise preserved the original
text, or at least pretended to do so, for a minute comparison between
autograph and transcript reveals the startling fact that nearly a thousand
inaccuracies have been allowed to creep in. Most of these variants are
immaterial, but there are some which ought not to have been overlooked.
Thus, in [58]Chapter XVIII.§ 20, St. Teresa's words are: Un gran letrado de
la orden del glorioso santo Domingo, while Don Vicente retains the old
reading De la orden del glorioso patriarca santo Domingo. Mr. Lewis
possessed a copy of this photographic reproduction, but utilised it only in
one instance in his second edition. [1]

The publication of the autograph has settled a point of some importance. The
Bollandists (n. 1520), discussing the question whether the [59]headings of
the chapters (appended to this Introduction) are by St. Teresa or a later
addition, come to the conclusion (against the authors of the Reforma de los
Descalços) that they are clearly an interpolation (clarissime patet) on
account of the praise of the doctrine contained in these arguments.
Notwithstanding their high authority the Bollandists are in this respect
perfectly wrong, the arguments are entirely in St. Teresa's own hand and are
exclusively her own work. The Book of Foundations and the Way of Perfection
contain similar arguments in the Saint's handwriting. Nor need any surprise
be felt at the alleged praise of her doctrine for by saying: this chapter is
most noteworthy (Chap. XIV.), or: this is good doctrine (Chap. XXI.), etc.,
she takes no credit for herself because she never grows tired of repeating
that she only delivers the message she has received from our Lord. [2] The
Bollandists, not having seen the original, may be excused, but P. Bouix
(whom Mr. Lewis follows in this matter) had no right to suppress these
arguments. It is to be hoped that future editions of the works of S. Teresa
will not again deprive the reader of this remarkable feature of her
writings. What she herself thought of her books is best told by Yepes in a
letter to Father Luis de Leon, the first editor of her works: "She was
pleased when her writings were being praised and her Order and the convents
were held in esteem. Speaking one day of the Way of Perfection, she rejoiced
to hear it praised, and said to me with great content: Some grave men tell
me that it is like Holy Scripture. For being revealed doctrine it seemed to
her that praising her book was like praising God." [3]

A notable feature in Mr. Lewis's translation is his division of the chapters
into short paragraphs. But it appears that he rearranged the division during
the process of printing, with the result that a large number of references
were wrong. No labour has been spared in the correction of these, and I
trust that the present edition will be the more useful for it. In quoting
the Way of Perfection and the Interior Castle (which he calls Inner
Fortress!) Mr. Lewis refers to similar paragraphs which, however, are to be
found in no English edition. A new translation of these two works is greatly
needed, and, in the case of the Way of Perfection, the manuscript of the
Escurial should be consulted as well as that of Valladolid. Where the
writings of S. John of the Cross are quoted by volume and page, the edition
referred to is the one of 1864, another of Mr. Lewis's masterpieces. The
chapters in Ribera's Life of St. Teresa refer to the edition in the Acts of
the Saint by the Bollandists. These and all other quotations have been
carefully verified, with the exception of those taken from the works on
Mystical theology by Antonius a Spiritu Sancto and Franciscus a S. Thoma,
which I was unable to consult. I should have wished to replace the
quotations from antiquated editions of the Letters of our Saint by
references to the new French edition by P. Grégoire de S. Joseph (Paris,
Poussielgue, 1900), which may be considered as the standard edition.

In [60]note 2 to Chap. XI. Mr. Lewis draws attention to a passage in a
sermon by S. Bernard containing an allusion to different ways of watering a
garden similar to St. Teresa's well-known comparison. Mr. Lewis's quotation
is incorrect, and I am not certain what sermon he may have had in view.
Something to the point may be found in sermon 22 on the Canticle (Migne, P.
L. Vol. CLXXXIII, p. 879), and in the first sermon on the Nativity of our
Lord (ibid., p. 115), and also in a sermon on the Canticle by one of St.
Bernard's disciples (Vol. CLXXXIV., p. 195). I am indebted to the Very Rev.
Prior Vincent McNabb, O.P., for the verification of a [61]quotation from
St. Vincent Ferrer ([62]Chap. XX.§ 31).

Since the publication of Mr. Lewis's translation the uncertainty about the
date of St. Teresa's profession has been cleared up. Yepes, the Bollandists,
P. Bouix, Don Vicente de la Fuente, Mr. Lewis, and numerous other writers
assume that she entered the convent of the Incarnation [4] on November 2nd,
1533, and made her profession on November 3rd, 1534. The remaining dates of
events previous to her conversion are based upon this, as will he seen from
the chronology printed by Mr. Lewis at the end of his Preface and frequently
referred to in the footnotes. It rests, however, on inadequate evidence,
namely on a single passage in the Life [5] where the Saint says that she was
not yet twenty years old when she made her first supernatural experience in
prayer. She was twenty in March, 1535, and as this event took place after
her profession, the latter was supposed by Yepes and his followers to have
taken place in the previous November. Even if we had no further evidence,
the fact that St. Teresa is not always reliable in her calculation should
have warned us not to rely too much upon a somewhat casual statement. In the
[63]first chapter,§ 7, she positively asserts that she was rather less than
twelve years old at the death of her mother, whereas we know that she was at
least thirteen years and eight months old. As to the profession we have
overwhelming evidence that it took place on the 3rd of November, 1536, and
her entrance in the convent a year and a day earlier. To begin with, we have
the positive statement of her most intimate friends, Julian d'Avila, Father
Ribera, S.J., and Father Jerome Gratian. Likewise doña Maria Pinel, nun of
the Incarnation, says in her deposition: "She (Teresa of Jesus) took the
habit on 2 November, 1535." [6] This is corroborated by various passages in
the Saint's writings. Thus, in [64]Relation VII., written in 1575, she says,
speaking of herself: "This nun took the habit forty years ago." Again in a
passage of the Life written about the end of 1564 or the beginning of the
following year, [7] she mentions that she has been a nun for over
twenty-eight years, which points to her profession in 1536. But there are
two documents which place the date of profession beyond dispute, namely the
act of renunciation of her right to the paternal inheritance and the deed of
dowry drawn up before a public notary. Both bear the date 31 October, 1536.
The authors of the Reforma de los Descalços thought that they must have been
drawn up before St. Teresa took the habit, and therefore placed this event
in 1536 and the profession in 1537, but neither of these documents is
necessarily connected with the clothing, yet both must have been completed
before profession. The Constitutions of Blessed John Soreth, drawn up in
1462, which were observed at the convent of the Incarnation, contain the
following rule with regard to the reception and training of novices: [8]
Consulimus quod recipiendus ante susceptionem habitus expediat se de omnibus
quae habet in saeculo nisi ex causa rationabili per priorem generalem vel
provincialem fuerit aliter ordinatum. There was, indeed, good reason in the
case of St. Teresa to postpone these legal matters. Her father was much
opposed to her becoming a nun, but considering his piety it might have been
expected that before the end of the year of probation he would grant his
consent (which in the event he did the very day she took the habit), and
make arrangements for the dowry. One little detail concerning her haste in
entering the convent has been preserved by the Reforma and the Bollandists,
[9] though neither seem to have understood its meaning. On leaving the
convent of the Incarnation for St. Joseph's in 1563, St. Teresa handed the
prioress of the former convent a receipt for her bedding, habit and
discipline. This almost ludicrous scrupulosity was in conformity with a
decision of the general chapter of 1342 which said: Ingrediens ordinem ad
sui ipsius instantiam habeat lectisternia pro se ipso, sin autem recipiens
solvat lectum illum. As St. Teresa entered the convent without the knowledge
of her father she did not bring this insignificant trousseau with her;
accordingly the prioress became responsible for it and obtained a receipt
when St. Teresa went to the new convent. The dowry granted by Alphonso
Sanchez de Cepeda to his daughter consisted of twenty-five measures, partly
wheat, partly barley, or, in lieu thereof, two hundred ducats per annum. Few
among the numerous nuns of the Incarnation could have brought a better or
even an equal dowry.

The date of St. Teresa's profession being thus fixed on the 3rd of November,
1536, some other dates of the chronology must be revised. Her visit to
Castellanos de la Cañada must have taken place in the early part of 1537.
But already before this time the Saint had an experience which should have
proved a warning to her, and the neglect of which she never ceased to
deplore, namely the vision of our Lord; [10] her own words are that this
event took place "at the very beginning of her acquaintance with the person"
who exercised so dangerous an influence upon her. Mr. Lewis assigns to it
the date 1542, which is impossible seeing that instead of twenty-six it was
only twenty-two years before she wrote that passage of her life. Moreover,
it would have fallen into the midst of her lukewarmness (according to Mr.
Lewis's chronology) instead of the very beginning. P. Bouix rightly assigns
it to the year 1537, but as he is two years in advance of our chronology it
does not agree with the surrounding circumstances as described by him.
Bearing in mind the hint St. Teresa gives [11] as to her disposition
immediately after her profession, we need not be surprised if the first
roots of her lukewarmness show themselves so soon.

From Castellanos she proceeded to Hortigosa on a visit to her uncle. While
there she became acquainted with the book called Tercer Abecedario. Don
Vicente remarks that the earliest edition known to him was printed in 1537,
which tells strongly against the chronology of the Bollandists, P. Bouix,
and others. Again, speaking of her cure at Bezadas she gives a valuable hint
by saying that she remained blind to certain dangers for more than seventeen
years until the Jesuit fathers finally undeceived her. As these came to
Avila in 1555 the seventeen years lead us back to 1538, which precisely
coincides with her sojourn at Bezadas. She remained there until Pascua
florida of the following year. P. Bouix and others understand by this term
Palm Sunday, but Don Vicente shows good reason that Easter Sunday is meant,
which in 1539 was April the 6th. She then returned to Avila, more dead than
alive, and remained seriously ill for nearly three years, until she was
cured through the miraculous intervention of St. Joseph about the beginning
of 1542. Now began the period of lukewarmness which was temporally
interrupted by the illness and death of her father, in 1544 or 1545, and
came to an end about 1555. Don Vicente, [65]followed by Mr. Lewis, draws
attention to what he believes to be a "proof of great laxity of the
convent," that St. Teresa should have been urged by one of her confessors to
communicate as often as once a fortnight. It should be understood that
frequent communion such as we now see it practised was wholly unknown in her
time. The Constitutions of the Order specified twelve days on which all
those that were not priests should communicate, adding: Verumtamen fratres
professi prout Deus eis devotionem contulerit diebus dominicis et festis
duplicibus (i.e., on feasts of our Lady, the Apostles, etc.), communicare
poterunt si qui velint. Thus, communicating about once a month St. Teresa
acted as ordinary good Religious were wont to do, and by approaching the
sacrament more frequently she placed herself among the more fervent nuns.
[12]

St. Teresa wrote quite a number of different accounts of her life. The
first, addressed to Father Juan de Padranos, S.J. [13] and dated 1557, is
now lost. The second, written for St. Peter of Alcantara, is Relation I. at
the end of this volume; a copy of it, together with a continuation (Relation
II.) was sent to Father Pedro Ibañez in 1562. It is somewhat difficult to
admit that in the very same year she wrote another, more extensive, account
to the same priest, which is generally called the "first" Life. At the end
of the Life such as we have it now, St. Teresa wrote: "This book was
finished in June, 1562," and Father Bañez wrote underneath: "This date
refers to the first account which the Holy Mother Teresa of Jesus wrote of
her life; it was not then divided into chapters. Afterwards she made this
copy and inserted in it many things which had taken place subsequent to this
date, such as the foundation of the monastery of St. Joseph of Avila."
Elsewhere Father Bañez says: [14] "Of one of her books, namely, the one in
which she recorded her life and the manner of prayer whereby God had led
her, I can say that she composed it to the end that her confessors might
know her the better and instruct her, and also that it might encourage and
animate those who learn from it the great mercy God had shown her, a great
sinner as she humbly acknowledged herself to be. This book was already
written when I made her acquaintance, her previous confessors having given
her permission to that effect. Among these was a licentiate of the Dominican
Order, the Reverend Father Pedro Ibañez, reader of Divinity at Avila. She
afterwards completed and recast this book." These two passages of Bañez have
led the biographers of the Saint to think that she wrote her Life twice,
first in 1561 and the following year, completing it in the house of Doña
Luisa de la Cerda at Toledo, in the month of June; and secondly between 1563
and 1565 at St. Joseph's Convent of Avila. They have been at pains to point
out a number of places which could not have been in the "first" Life, but
must have been added in the second [15] ; and they took it for granted that
the letter with which the book as we now have it concludes, was addressed to
Father Ibañez in 1562, when the Saint sent him the "first" Life. It bears
neither address nor date, but from its contents I am bound to conclude that
it was written in 1565, that it refers to the "second" Life, and that
whomsoever it was addressed to, it cannot have been to Father Ibañez, who
was already dead at the time. [16] Saint Teresa asks the writer to send a
copy of the book to Father Juan de Avila. Now we know from her letters that
as late as 1568 this request had not been complied with, and that St. Teresa
had to write twice to Doña Luisa for this purpose; [17] but if she had
already given these instructions in 1562, it is altogether incomprehensible
that she did not see to it earlier, especially when the "first" Life was
returned to her for the purpose of copying and completing it. The second
reason which prevents me from considering this letter as connected with the
"first" Life will be examined when I come to speak of the different ends the
Saint had in view when writing her Life. It is more difficult to say to whom
the letter was really addressed. The Reforma suggests Father Garcia de
Toledo, Dominican, who bade the Saint write the history of the foundation of
St. Joseph's at Avila [18] and who was her confessor at that convent. It
moreover believes that he it is to whom [66]Chapter XXXIV.§§ 8“20 refers,
and this opinion appears to me plausible. As to the latter point, Yepes
thinks the Dominican at Toledo was Father Vicente Barron, the Bollandists
offer no opinion, and Mr. Lewis, in his first edition gives first the one
and then the other. If, as I think, Father Garcia was meant, the passage in
[67]Chapter XVI.§ 10, beginning "O, my son," would concern him also, as
well as several passages where Vuestra Merced you, my Father is addressed.
For although the book came finally into the hands of Father Bañez, it was
first delivered into those of the addressee of the letter.

Whether the previous paper was a mere "Relation," or really a first attempt
at a "Life," [19] there can be no dispute about its purpose: St. Teresa
speaks of it in the following terms: "I had recourse to my Dominican father
(Ibañez); I told him all about my visions, my way of prayer, the great
graces our Lord had given me, as clearly as I could, and begged him to
consider the matter well, and tell me if there was anything therein at
variance with the Holy Writings, and give me his opinion on the whole
matter." [20] The account thus rendered had the object of enabling Father
Ibañez to give her light upon the state of her soul. But while she was
drawing it up, a great change came over her. During St. Teresa's sojourn at
Toledo she became from a pupil an experienced master in Mystical knowledge.
"When I was there a religious" (probably Father Garcia de Toledo) "with whom
I had conversed occasionally some years ago, happened to arrive. When I was
at Mass in a monastery of his Order, I felt a longing to know the state of
his soul." [21] Three times the Saint rose from her seat, three times she
sat down again, but at last she went to see him in a confessional, not to
ask for any light for herself, but to give him what light she could, for she
wished to induce him to surrender himself more perfectly to God, and this
she accomplished by telling him how she had fared since their last meeting.
No one who reads this remarkable chapter can help being struck by the change
that has come over Teresa: the period of her schooling is at an end, and she
is now the great teacher of Mystical theology. Her humility does not allow
her to speak with the same degree of openness upon her achievements as she
did when making known her failings, yet she cannot conceal the Gift of
Wisdom she had received and the use she made of it.

St. Teresa's development, if extraordinary considering the degree of
spirituality she reached, was nevertheless gradual and regular. With her
wonderful power of analysis, she has given us not only a clear insight into
her interior progress, but also a sketch of the development of her
understanding of supernatural things. "It is now (i.e., about the end of
1563) some five or six years, I believe, since our Lord raised me to this
state of prayer, in its fulness, and that more than once, and I never
understood it, and never could explain it; and so I was resolved, when I
should come thus far in my story, to say very little or nothing at all."
[22] In the following chapter she adds: "You, my father, will be delighted
greatly to find an account of the matter in writing, and to understand it;
for it is one grace that our Lord gives grace; and it is another grace to
understand what grace and what gift it is; and it is another and further
grace to have the power to describe and explain it to others. Though it does
not seem that more than the first of these the giving of grace is necessary,
it is a great advantage and a great grace to understand it." [23] These
words contain the clue to much that otherwise would be obscure in the life
of our Saint: great graces were bestowed upon her, but at first she neither
understood them herself nor was she able to describe them. Hence the
inability of her confessors and spiritual advisers to guide her. Her natural
gifts, great though they were, did not help her much. "Though you, my
father, may think that I have a quick understanding, it is not so; for I
have found out in many ways that my understanding can take in only, as they
say, what is given it to eat. Sometimes my confessor used to be amazed at my
ignorance: and he never explained to me nor, indeed, did I desire to
understand how God did this, nor how it could be. Nor did I ever ask." [24]
At first she was simply bewildered by the favours shown her, afterwards she
could not help knowing, despite the fears of over anxious friends, that they
did come from God, and that so far from imperilling her soul made a
different woman of her, but even then she was not able to explain to others
what she experienced in herself. But shortly before the foundation of St.
Joseph's convent she received the last of the three graces mentioned above,
the Gift of Wisdom, and the scene at Toledo is the first manifestation of
it.

This explains the difference of the "Life" such as we know it from the first
version or the "Relations" preceding it. Whatever this writing was, it still
belonged to the period of her spiritual education, whereas the volume before
us is the first-fruit of her spiritual Mastership. The new light that had
come to her induced her confessors [25] to demand a detailed work embodying
everything she had learned from her heavenly Teacher. [26] The treatise on
Mystical theology contained in Chapters X. to XXI., the investigation of
Divine locutions, Visions and Revelations in the concluding portion of the
work could have had no place in any previous writing. While her experiences
before she obtained the Gift of Wisdom influenced but three persons (one of
them being her father), a great many profited by her increased knowledge.
[27] The earlier writings were but confidential communications to her
confessors, and if they became known to larger circles this was due to
indiscretion. But her "Life" was written from the beginning with a view to
publication. Allusions to this object may be found in various places [28] as
well as in the letter appended to the book, [29] but the decisive utterances
must be sought for elsewhere, namely in the "Way of Perfection." This work
was written immediately after the "Life," while the Saint was as yet at the
convent of St. Joseph's. It was re-written later on and is now only known in
its final shape, but the first version, the original of which is preserved
at the Escurial and has been reproduced photographically, leaves no doubt as
to the intentions of St. Teresa in writing her "Life." "I have written a few
days ago a certain Relation of my Life. But since it might happen that my
confessor may not permit you (the Sisters of St. Joseph's) to read it, I
will put here some things concerning prayer which are conformable to what I
have said there, as well as some other things which appear to me to be
necessary." [30] Again: "As all this is better explained in the book which I
say I have written, there is no need for me to speak of it with so much
detail. I have said there all I know. Those of you who have been led by God
to this degree of contemplation (and I say that some have been led so far),
should procure the book because it is important for you, after I am dead."
[31] At the end she writes: "Since the Lord has taught you the way and has
inspired me as to what I should put in the book which I say has been
written, how they should behave who have arrived at this fountain of living
water and what the soul feels there, and how God satiates her and makes her
lose the thirst for things of this world and causes her to grow in things
pertaining to the service of God; that book, therefore, will be of great
help for those who have arrived at this state, and will give them much
light. Procure it. For Father Domingo Bañez, presentado of the Order of St.
Dominic who, as I say, is my confessor, and to whom I shall give this, has
it: if he judges that you should see this, and gives it to you, he will also
give you the other." [32] While the first and second of these quotations may
be found, somewhat weakened, in the final version of the "Way of
Perfection," the last one is entirely omitted. Nor need this surprise us,
for Father Bañez had his own ideas about the advisability of the publication
of the "Life." In his deposition, already referred to, he says: "It was not
convenient that this book should become public during her lifetime, but
rather that it should be kept at the Holy Office (the Inquisition) until we
knew the end of this person; it was therefore quite against my will that
some copies were taken while it was in the hands of the bishop Don Alvaro
Mendoza, who, being a powerful prelate and having received it from the said
Teresa of Jesus, allowed it to be copied and showed it to his sister, doña
Maria de Mendoza; thus certain persons taking an interest in spiritual
matters and knowing already some portions of this treatise (evidently the
contents of the divulged Relations) made further copies, one of which became
the property of the Duchess of Alba, doña Maria Enriquez, and is now, I
think, in the hands of her daughter-in-law, doña Maria de Toledo. All this
was against my wish, and I was much annoyed with the said Teresa of Jesus,
though I knew well it was not her fault but the fault of those to whom she
had confided the book, and I told her she ought to burn the original because
it would never do that the writings of women should become public property;
to which she answered she was quite aware of it and would certainly burn it
if I told her to do so; but knowing her great humility and obedience I did
not dare to have it destroyed but handed it to the Holy Office for
safe-keeping, whence it has been withdrawn since her death and published in
print." [33] From this it will he seen that Bañez, who had given a most
favourable opinion when the "Life" was denounced to the Inquisition (1574),
resulting in the approbation by Cardinal de Quiroga to the great joy of St.
Teresa, [34] returned it to the Holy Office for safety's sake. It was
withdrawn by the Ven. Mother Anne of Jesus when the Order had decided upon
the publication of the works of the Saint, but too late to be utilised then.
Father Luis de Leon, the editor, had to content himself with the copy
already alluded to.

St. Teresa wrote her "Life" slowly. It was begun in spring, 1563, [35] and
completed in May or June, 1565. She complains that she can only work at it
by stealth on account of her duties at the distaff; [36] but the book is
written with so much order and method, the manuscript is so free from
mistakes, corrections and erasures, that we may conclude that while spinning
she worked it out in her mind, so that the apparent delay proved most
advantageous. In this respect the "Life" is superior to the first version of
the "Way of Perfection." This latter work was printed during her lifetime,
though it appeared only after her death. In 1586 the Definitory of the
province of Discalced Carmelites decided upon the publication of the
complete works of the Saint, but for obvious reasons deemed not only the
members of her own Order but also Dominicans and Jesuits ineligible for the
post of editor. Such of the manuscripts as could be found were therefore
confided to the Augustinian Father, Luis de Leon, professor at Salamanca,
who prepared the edition but did not live to carry it through the press. The
fact that he did not know the autograph of the "Life" accounts for the
numerous inaccuracies to be found in nearly all editions, but the
publication of the original should ensure a great improvement for
the future.

St. Teresa's canonisation took place before the stringent laws of Urban
VIII. came into force. Consequently, the writings of the Saint were not then
enquired into, the Holy See contenting itself with the approbations granted
by the Spanish Inquisition, and by the congregation of the Rota in Rome. A
certain number of passages selected from various works having been denounced
by some Roman theologians as being contrary to the teaching of St. Thomas
Aquinas and other authorities, Diego Alvarez, a Dominican, and John Rada, a
Franciscan, were commissioned to examine the matter and report on it. The
twelve censures with the answers of the two theologians and the final
judgment of the Rota seem to have remained unknown to the Bollandists. [37]
The "heavenly doctrine" of St. Teresa is alluded to not only in the Bull of
canonisation but even in the Collect of the Mass of the Saint.

Concerning the English translations of the "Life" noticed by Mr. Lewis it
should be mentioned that the one ascribed to Abraham Woodhead is only partly
his work. Father Bede of St. Simon Stock (Walter Joseph Travers), a
Discalced Carmelite, labouring on the English Mission from 1660 till 1692,
was anxious to complete the translation of St. Teresa's works into English.
He had not proceeded very far when he learnt that "others were engaged in
the same task. On enquiry he found that a new translation was contemplated
by two graduates of the University of Cambridge, converts to the Faith, most
learned and pious men, who were leading a solitary life, spending their time
and talents in the composition of controversial and devotional works for the
good of their neighbour and the glory of God." One of these two men was
Woodhead, who, however, was an Oxford man, but the name of the other, who
must have been a Cambridge man, is not known. They undertook the translation
while Father Bede provided the funds and bore the risks of what was then a
dangerous work. As there existed already two English translations of the
"Life," the first volume to appear (1669) contained the Book of Foundations,
to which was prefixed the history of the foundation of St. Joseph's from the
"Life." When, therefore, the new translation of the latter appeared, in
1671, this portion of the book was omitted. [38] The translation was made
direct from the Spanish but "uniformly with the Italian edition."

Mr. Lewis, whose translation is the fifth, was born on the 12th of November,
1814, and died on January the 23rd, 1895. The first edition was printed in
1870, the second in 1888. It is regrettable that the latter edition, of
which the present is a reprint, omitted the marginal notes which would have
been so helpful to the reader.

St. Teresa's life and character having always been a favourite study of men
and women of various schools of thought, it may be useful to notice here a
few recent English and foreign works on the subject:

The Life of Saint Teresa, by the author of "Devotions before and after Holy
Communion" (i.e., Miss Maria Trench), London, 1875.

The Life of Saint Teresa of the Order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel. Edited
with a preface by the Archbishop of Westminster (Cardinal Manning), London,
1865. (By Miss Elizabeth Lockhart, afterwards first abbess of the Franciscan
convent, Notting Hill.) Frequently reprinted.

The Life and Letters of St. Teresa, by Henry James Coleridge, S.J. Quarterly
Series. 3 vols (1881, 1887, 1888).

And, from another point of view:

The Life of St. Teresa, by Gabriela Cunninghame-Graham, 2 vols, London,
1894.

Histoire de Sainte Thérèse d'après les Bollandistes. 2 vols, Nantes, 1882.
Frequently reprinted. The author is Mlle. Adelaide Lecornu (born 5 July,
1852, died at the Carmelite convent at Caen, 14 December, 1901. Her name in
religion was Adelaide-Jéronyme-Zoe-Marie du Sacré-Coeur).

An excellent character sketch of the Saint has appeared in the "Les Saints"
series (Paris, Lecoffre, 1901):

Sainte Thérèse, par Henri Joly.

Although the attempt at explaining the extraordinary phenomena in the life
of St. Teresa by animal Magnetism and similar obscure theories had already
been exploded by the Bollandists, it has lately been revived by Professor
Don Arturo Perales Gutierrez of Granada, and Professor Don Fernando Segundo
Brieva Salvatierra of Madrid, who considered her a subject of hysterical
derangements. The discussion carried on for some time, not only in Spain but
also in France, Germany, and other countries, has been ably summed up and
disposed of by P. Grégoire de S. Joseph: La prétendue Hystérie de Sainte
Thérèse. Lyons.

The Bibliographie Thérèsienne, by Henry de Curzon (Paris, 1902) is,
unfortunately, too incomplete, not to say slovenly, to be of much use.

Finally, it is necessary to say a word about the spelling of the name
Teresa. In Spanish and Italian it should be written without an h as these
languages do not admit the use of Th; in English, likewise, where this
combination of letters represents a special sound, the name should be spelt
with T only. But the present fashion of thus writing it in Latin, German,
French, and other languages, which generally maintain the etymological
spelling, is intolerable: The name is Greek, and was placed on the calendar
in honour of a noble Spanish lady, St. Therasia, who became the wife of a
Saint, Paulinus of Nola, and a Saint herself. See Sainte Thérèse, Lettres au
R. P. Bouix, by the Abbé Postel, Paris, 1864. The derivation of the name
from the Hebrew Thersa can no longer be defended (Father Jerome-Gratian, in
Fuente, Obras, Vol. VI., p. 369 sqq.).

Benedict Zimmerman,
Prior O.C.D.

St. Luke's Priory,
Wincanton, Somerset.
16th July, 1904.
_________________________________________________________________

[1] 1. [68]Chap. xxxiv., note 5.

[2] [69]Chap. xviii.§ 11.

[3] Fuente, Obras (1881), vol. vi. p. 133.

[4] See the licence granted by Leo X. to the prioress and convent of the
Incarnation to build another house for the use of the said convent, and to
migrate thither (Vatican Archives, Dataria, Leo X., anno i., vol. viii.,
fol. 82). Also a licence to sell or exchange certain property belonging to
it (ibid., anno iv., vol. vii., f. 274; and a charge to the Bishop of Avila
concerning a recourse of the said convent (ibid., anno vii., vol. iv.,
f. 24).

[5] [70]Chap. iv§ 9.

[6] Lettres de Ste. Thérèse, edit. P. Grégoire de S. Joseph, vol. iii, p.
419, note 2.

[7] [71]Chap. xxxvi.§ 10. The date of this part of the Life can be easily
ascertained from the two following chapters. In [72]xxxvii.§ 18, St. Teresa
says that she is not yet fifty years old, consequently the chapter must have
been written before the end of March, 1565; and in the next chapter,
[73]xxxviii.§ 15, she speaks of the death of Father Pedro Ibañez, which
appears to have taken place on 2nd February. This, at least, is the date
under which his name appears in the Année Dominicaine, and the Very Rev.
Prior Vincent McNabb tells me that there is every reason to think that it is
the date of his death.

[8] When about A.D. 1452 certain communities of Beguines demanded
affiliation to the Carmelite Order, they were given the Constitutions of the
friars without any alterations. These Constitutions were revised in 1462,
but neither there nor in the Acts of the General Chapters, so far as these
are preserved, is there the slightest reference to convents of nuns. The
colophon of the printed edition (Venice, 1499) shows that they held good for
friars and nuns: Expliciunt sacrae constitutiones novae fratrum et sororum
beatae Mariae de Monte Carmelo. They contain the customary laws forbidding
the friars [note continues, p. xiii.] under pain of excommunication, to
leave the precincts of their convents without due licence, but do not enjoin
strict enclosure, which would have been incompatible with their manner of
life and their various duties. St. Teresa nowhere insinuates that the
Constitutions, such as they were, were not kept at the Incarnation; her
remarks in [74]chap. vii. are aimed at the Constitutions themselves, which
were never made for nuns, and therefore did not provide for the needs of
their convents.

[9] Reforma lib. i., cap. 47. Bollandists. no. 366.

[10] [75]Chap. vii.§ 11.

[11] [76]Chap. v.§ 2.

[12] Constitutions of 1462. Part i., cap. x.

[13] [77]Chap. xxiii.§ 17.

[14] Deposition for the process of canonisation, written in 1591. Fuente,
Obras, vol. vi., p. 174.

[15] See the [78]notes to chapters vii.§ 11; [79]xvi.§ 10; [80]xx.§ 6;
[81]xxiv.§ 4; [82]xxvii.§ 17. At the [83]end of chapter xxxi. we are told
on the authority of Don Vicente that the "first" Life must have ended at
this point.

[16] Bollandists, no. 1518.

[17] Lettres, edit. Grégoire. I., pp. 13 (18 May, 1568); 21 (27 May); 35
(2 November).

[18] Reforma, vol. i., lib. v., cap. xxxv., no. 9. Bollandists, no. 1518.

[19] If the latter, it must have been very much shorter than the second
edition, and can scarcely have contained more than the first nine chapters
(perhaps verbatim) and an account of the visions, locutions, etc., contained
in chapters xxiii.“xxxi., without comment.

[20] [84]Chap. xxxiii.§ 7.

[21] [85]Chap. xxxiv.§ 8.

[22] [86]Chap. xvi.§ 2.

[23] [87]Chap. xvii.§ 7.

[24] [88]Chap. xxviii.§ 10.

[25] In the Prologue to the Book of Foundations, Father Garcia de Toledo,
[note continues, p. xviii.] her confessor at St. Joseph's Convent, is said
to be responsible for the order to rewrite the "Life"; but in the
[89]Preface to the "Life" St. Teresa speaks of her "confessors" in the
plural. Fathers Ibañez and Bañez may be included in the number. See also
[90]ch. xxx.§ 27.

[26] [91]Chap. xviii.§ 11.

[27] [92]Chap. xiii.§ 22. In [93]chap. xvi.§ 12, the Saint says: "I wish
we five who now love one another in our Lord, had made some such
arrangement, etc." Fuente is of opinion that these five were, besides the
Saint, Father Julian de Avila, Don Francisco de Salcedo, St. John of the
Cross, and Don Lorenzo de Cepeda, St. Teresa's brother: but this is
impossible at the date of this part of the "Life." It is more probable that
she meant Francisco de Salcedo, Gaspar Daza, Julian de Avila, and Father
Ibañez, the latter being still alive in the beginning of 1564, when this
chapter was written. It is more difficult to say who the three confessors
were whom St. Teresa desired to see the "Life" ([94]ch. xl.§ 32). If, as I
think, the book was first handed to Father Garcia de Toledo, the others may
have been Francisco de Salcedo, Baltasar Alvarez, and Gaspar de Salazar.

[28] [95]Chap. x.§§ 11 and 12.

[29] This is the second reason why the letter could not have been addressed
to Father Ibañez in 1562.

[30] Edited by Don Francisco Herrero Bayona, 1883 p. 4.

[31] Ibid., chap. xli. (see Dalton's translation, chap. xxv.).

[32] Ibid., chap. lxxiii. See the difference in Dalton's translation, chap.
xlii.

[33] Fuente, Obras, vol. vi., p. 275.

[34] See the following Preface, p. xxxvii. Lettres, ed. Grégoire, ii., p.
65. P. Bertholde-Ignace, Vie de la Mère Anne de Jésus, i., p. 472.

[35] In the Prologue to the Book of Foundations, St. Teresa says that Father
Garcia de Toledo ordered her to rewrite the book the same year in which St.
Joseph's Convent was founded, i.e. 1562, but seeing that she only spent a
few hours there and that the principal difficulties only arose after her
return to the Incarnation, it appears more probable that Father Garcia's
command was not made until the spring of the following year, when she went
to live at St. Joseph's.

[36] [96]Chap. x.§ 11.

[37] See Historia Generalis Fratrum Discalceatorum Ordinis B. Virginis
Mariae de Monte Carmelo Congregationis Eliae. Romae, 1668, vol. i., pp.
340“358 ad ann. 1604.

[38] See Carmel in England, by Rev. Father B. Zimmerman, p. 240 sqq.
_________________________________________________________________

St. Teresa's Arguments of the Chapters.

J.H.S.

J.H.S. Chapter I. [39] In which she tells how God [40] began to dispose
this soul from childhood for virtue, and how she was helped by having
virtuous parents.

Chapter II. How she lost these virtues and how important it is to deal from
childhood with virtuous persons.

Chapter III. In which she sets forth how good company was the means of her
resuming good intentions, and in what manner God began to give her some
light on the deception to which she was subjected.

Chapter IV. She explains how, with the assistance of God, she compelled
herself to take the (Religious) habit, and how His Majesty began to send her
many infirmities.

Chapter V. She continues to speak of the great infirmities she suffered and
the patience God gave her to bear them, and how He turned evil into good, as
is seen from something that happened at the place where she went for a cure.

Chapter VI. Of the great debt she owes God for giving her conformity of her
will (with His) in her trials, and how she turned towards the glorious St.
Joseph as her helper and advocate, and how much she profited thereby.

Chapter VII. Of the way whereby she lost the graces God had granted her, and
the wretched life she began to lead; she also speaks of the danger arising
from the want of a strict enclosure in convents of nuns.

Chapter VIII. Of the great advantage she derived from not entirely
abandoning prayer so as not to lose her soul; and what an excellent remedy
this is in order to win back what one has lost. She exhorts everybody to
practise prayer, and shows what a gain it is, even if one should have given
it up for a time, to make use of so great a good.

Chapter IX. By what means God began to rouse her soul and give light in the
midst of darkness, and to strengthen her virtues so that she should not
offend Him.

Chapter X. She begins to explain the graces God gave her in prayer, and how
much we can do for ourselves, and of the importance of understanding God's
mercies towards us. She requests those to whom this is to be sent to keep
the remainder (of this book) secret, since they have commanded her to go
into so many details about the graces God has shown her.

Chapter XI. In which she sets forth how it is that we do not love God
perfectly in a short time. She begins to expound by means of a comparison
four degrees of prayer, of the first of which she treats here; this is most
profitable for beginners and for those who find no taste in prayer.

Chapter XII. Continuation of the first state. She declares how far, with the
grace of God, we can proceed by ourselves, and speaks of the danger of
seeking supernatural and extraordinary experiences before God lifts up the
soul.

Chapter XIII. She continues to treat of the first degree, and gives advice
with respect to certain temptations sometimes sent by Satan. This is most
profitable.

Chapter XIV. She begins to explain the second degree of prayer in which God
already gives the soul special consolations, which she shows here to be
supernatural. This is most noteworthy.

Chapter XV. Continuing the same subject, she gives certain advice how one
should behave in the prayer of quiet. She shows that many souls advance so
far, but that few go beyond. The matters treated of in this chapter are very
necessary and profitable.

Chapter XVI. On the third degree of prayer; she declares things of an
elevated nature; what the soul that has come so far can do, and the effect
of such great graces of God. This is calculated to greatly animate the
spirit to the praise of God, and contains advice for those who have reached
this point.

Chapter XVII. Continues to declare matters concerning the third degree of
prayer and completes the explanation of its effects. She also treats of the
impediment caused by the imagination and the memory.

Chapter XVIII. She treats of the fourth degree of prayer, and begins to
explain [41] in what high dignity God holds a soul that has attained this
state; this should animate those who are given to prayer, to make an effort
to reach so high a state since it can be obtained in this world, though not
by merit but only through the goodness of God [42] .

Chapter XIX. She continues the same subject, and begins to explain the
effects on the soul of this degree of prayer. She earnestly exhorts not to
turn back nor to give up prayer even if, after having received this favour,
one should fall. She shows the damage that would result (from the neglect of
this advice). This is most noteworthy and consoling for the weak and for
sinners.

Chapter XX. She speaks of the difference between Union and Trance, and
explains what a Trance is; she also says something about the good a soul
derives from being, through God's goodness, led so far. She speaks of the
effects of Union. [43]

Chapter XXI. She continues and concludes this last degree of prayer, and
says what a soul having reached it feels when obliged to turn back and live
in the world, and speaks of the light God gives concerning the deceits (of
the world). This is good doctrine.

Chapter XXII. In which she shows that the safest way for contemplatives is
not to lift up the spirit to high things but to wait for God to lift it up.
How the Sacred Humanity of Christ is the medium for the most exalted
contemplation. She mentions an error under which she laboured for some time.
This chapter is most profitable.

Chapter XXIII. She returns to the history of her life, how she began to
practise greater perfection. This is profitable for those who have to direct
souls practising prayer that they may know how to deal with beginners, and
she speaks of the profit she derived from such knowledge.

Chapter XXIV. She continues the same subject and tells how her soul improved
since she began to practise obedience, and how little she was able to resist
God's graces, and how His Majesty continued to give them more and more
abundantly.

Chapter XXV. Of the manner in which Locutions of God are perceived by the
soul without being actually heard; and of some deceits that might take place
in this matter, and how one is to know which is which. This is most
profitable for those who are in this degree of prayer, because it is very
well explained, and contains excellent doctrine.

Chapter XXVI. She continues the same subject; explains and tells things that
have happened to her which caused her to lose fear and convinced her that
the spirit which spoke to her was a good one.

Chapter XXVII. Of another way in which God teaches a soul, and, without
speaking, makes His Will known in an admirable manner. She goes on to
explain a vision, though not an imaginary one, and a great grace with which
God favoured her. This chapter is noteworthy.

Chapter XXVIII. She treats of the great favours God showed her, and how He
appeared to her for the first time; she explains what an imaginary vision
is, and speaks of the powerful effects it leaves and the signs whether it is
from God. This chapter is most profitable and noteworthy.

Chapter XXIX. She continues and tells of some great mercies God showed her,
and what His Majesty said to her in order to assure her (of the truth of
these visions), and taught her how to answer contradictors.

Chapter XXX. She continues the history of her life, and how God sent her a
remedy for all her anxieties by calling the holy Friar Fray Pedro de
Alcantara of the Order of the glorious St. Francis to the place where she
lived. She mentions some great temptations and interior trials through which
she sometimes had to pass.

Chapter XXXI. She speaks of some exterior temptations and apparitions of
Satan, and how he ill-treated her. She mentions, moreover, some very good
things by way of advice to persons who are walking on the way of perfection.

Chapter XXXII. She narrates how it pleased God to put her in spirit in that
place of Hell she had deserved by her sins. She tells a little [44] of what
she saw there compared with what there was besides. She begins to speak of
the manner and way of founding the convent of St. Joseph where she now
lives.

Chapter XXXIII. She continues the subject of the foundation of the glorious
St. Joseph. How she was commanded to have nothing (further) to do with it,
how she abandoned it, also the troubles it brought her and how God consoled
her in all this.

Chapter XXXIV. She shows how at that time it happened that she absented
herself from this place and how her Superior commanded her to go away at the
request of a very noble lady who was in great affliction. She begins to tell
what happened to her there, and the great grace God bestowed upon her in
determining through her instrumentality a person of distinction to serve Him
truly; and how that person found favour and help in her (Teresa). This is
noteworthy.

Chapter XXXV. Continuation of the foundation of this house of our glorious
Father St. Joseph; in what manner our Lord ordained that holy poverty should
be observed there; the reason why she left the lady with whom she had been
staying, and some other things that happened.

Chapter XXXVI. She continues the same subject, and shows how the foundation
of this convent of the glorious St. Joseph was finally accomplished, and the
great contradictions and persecutions she had to endure after the Religious
had taken the habit, and the great trials and temptations through which she
passed, and how God led her forth victorious to His own glory and praise.

Chapter XXXVII. Of the effects which remained when God granted her some
favour; together with other very good doctrine. She shows how one ought to
strive after and prize every increase in heavenly glory, and that for no
trouble whatever one should neglect a good that is to be perpetual.

Chapter XXXVIII. She treats of some great mercies God showed her, even
making known to her heavenly secrets by means of visions and revelations His
Majesty vouchsafed to grant her; she speaks of the effects they caused and
the great improvement resulting in her soul.

Chapter XXXIX. She continues the same subject, mentioning great graces
granted her by God; how He promised to hear her requests on behalf of
persons for whom she should pray. Some remarkable instances in which His
Majesty thus favoured her.

Chapter XL. Continuation of the same subject of great mercies God has shown
her. From some of these very good doctrine may be gathered, and this, as she
declares, was, besides compliance with obedience, her principal motive (in
writing this book), namely to enumerate such of these mercies as would be
instructive to souls. This chapter brings the history of her Life, written
by herself, to an end. May it be for the glory of God. Amen.
_________________________________________________________________

[39] St. Teresa wrote no title, either of the whole book or of the Preface,
but only the monogram J.H.S., which is repeated at the beginning of the
first chapter and at the end of the last, previous to the letter with which
the volume concludes.

[40] "El Señor" is everywhere translated by "God" in distinction to "Nuestro
Señor," "Our Lord."

[41] "In an excellent manner," scored through by the Saint herself.

[42] "To be read with great care, as it is explained in a most delicate way,
and contains many noteworthy points," also scored through by St. Teresa
herself.

[43] "This is most admirable," scored through by the Saint.

[44] "Una cifra," a mere nothing.
_________________________________________________________________

Preface by David Lewis.

St. Teresa was born in Avila on Wednesday, March 28, 1515. Her father was
Don Alfonso Sanchez de Cepeda, and her mother Doña Beatriz Davila y Ahumada.
The name she received in her baptism was common to both families, for her
great-grandmother on the father's side was Teresa Sanchez, and her
grandmother on her mother's side was Teresa de las Cuevas. While she
remained in the world, and even after she had become a nun in the monastery
of the Incarnation, which was under the mitigated rule, she was known as
Doña Teresa Sanchez Cepeda Davila y Ahumada; for in those days children took
the name either of the father or of the mother, as it pleased them. The two
families were noble, but that of Ahumada was no longer in possession of its
former wealth and power. [45] Doña Beatriz was the second wife of Don
Alfonso, and was related in the fourth degree to the first wife, as appears
from the dispensation granted to make the marriage valid on the 16th of
October, 1509. Of this marriage Teresa was the third child.

Doña Beatriz died young, and the eldest daughter, Maria de Cepeda, took
charge of her younger sisters they were two and was as a second mother to
them till her marriage, which took place in 1531, when the Saint was in her
sixteenth year. But as she was too young to be left in charge of her
father's house, and as her education was not finished, she was sent to the
Augustinian monastery, the nuns of which received young girls, and brought
them up in the fear of God. [46] The Saint's own account is that she was too
giddy and careless to be trusted at home, and that it was necessary to put
her under the care of those who would watch over her and correct her ways.
She remained a year and a half with the Augustinian nuns, and all the while
God was calling her to Himself. She was not willing to listen to His voice;
she would ask the nuns to pray for her that she might have light to see her
way; "but for all this," she writes, "I wished not to be a nun." [47] By
degrees her will yielded, and she had some inclination to become a religious
at the end of the eighteen months of her stay, but that was all. She became
ill; her father removed her, and the struggle within herself continued, on
the one hand, the voice of God calling her; on the other, herself labouring
to escape from her vocation.

At last, after a struggle which lasted three months, she made up her mind,
and against her inclination, to give up the world. She asked her father's
leave, and was refused. She besieged him through her friends, but to no
purpose. "The utmost I could get from him," she says, "was that I might do
as I pleased after his death." [48] How long this contest with her father
lasted is not known, but it is probable that it lasted many months, for the
Saint was always most careful of the feelings of others, and would certainly
have endured much rather than displease a father whom she loved so much, and
who also loved her more than his other children. [49]

But she had to forsake her father, and so she left her father's house by
stealth, taking with her one of her brothers, whom she had persuaded to give
himself to God in religion. The brother and sister set out early in the
morning, the former for the monastery of the Dominicans, and the latter for
the Carmelite monastery of the Incarnation, in Avila. The nuns received her
into the house, but sent word to her father of his child's escape. Don
Alfonso, however, yielded at once, and consented to the sacrifice which he
was compelled to make.

In the monastery of the Incarnation the Saint was led on, without her own
knowledge, to states of prayer so high, that she became alarmed about
herself. In the purity and simplicity of her soul, she feared that the
supernatural visitations of God might after all be nothing else but
delusions of Satan. [50] She was so humble, that she could not believe
graces so great could be given to a sinner like herself. The first person
she consulted in her trouble seems to have been a layman, related to her
family, Don Francisco de Salcedo. He was a married man, given to prayer, and
a diligent frequenter of the theological lectures in the monastery of the
Dominicans. Through him she obtained the help of a holy priest, Gaspar Daza,
to whom she made known the state of her soul. The priest, hindered by his
other labours, declined to be her director, and the Saint admits that she
could have made no progress under his guidance. [51] She now placed herself
in the hands of Don Francis, who encouraged her in every way, and, for the
purpose of helping her onwards in the way of perfection, told her of the
difficulties he himself had met with, and how by the grace of God he had
overcome them.

But when the Saint told him of the great graces which God bestowed upon her,
Don Francis became alarmed; he could not reconcile them with the life the
Saint was living, according to her own account. He never thought of doubting
the Saint's account, and did not suspect her of exaggerating her
imperfections in the depths of her humility: "he thought the evil spirit
might have something to do" with her, [52] and advised her to consider
carefully her way of prayer.

Don Francis now applied again to Gaspar Daza, and the two friends consulted
together; but, after much prayer on their part and on that of the Saint,
they came to the conclusion that she "was deluded by an evil spirit," and
recommended her to have recourse to the fathers of the Society of Jesus,
lately settled in Avila.

The Saint, now in great fear, but still hoping and trusting that God would
not suffer her to be deceived, made preparations for a general confession;
and committed to writing the whole story of her life, and made known the
state of her soul to F. Juan de Padranos, one of the fathers of the Society.
F. Juan understood it all, and comforted her by telling her that her way of
prayer was sound and the work of God. Under his direction she made great
progress, and for the further satisfaction of her confessor, and of Don
Francis, who seems to have still retained some of his doubts, she told
everything to St. Francis de Borja, who on one point changed the method of
direction observed by F. Juan. That father recommended her to resist the
supernatural visitations of the spirit as much as she could, but she was not
able, and the resistance pained her; [53] St. Francis told her she had done
enough, and that it was not right to prolong that resistance. [54]

The account of her life which she wrote before she applied to the Jesuits
for direction has not been preserved; but it is possible that it was made
more for her own security than for the purpose of being shown to
her confessor.

The next account is Relation I., made for St. Peter of Alcantara, and was
probably seen by many; for that Saint had to defend her, and maintain that
the state of her soul was the work of God, against those who thought that
she was deluded by Satan. Her own confessor was occasionally alarmed, and
had to consult others, and thus, by degrees, her state became known to many;
and there were some who, were so persuaded of her delusions, that they
wished her to be exorcised as one possessed of an evil spirit, [55] and at a
later time her friends were afraid that she might be denounced to
the Inquisitors. [56]

During the troubles that arose when it became known that the Saint was about
to found the monastery of St. Joseph, and therein establish the original
rule of her Order in its primitive simplicity and austerity, she went for
counsel to the Father Fra Pedro Ibañez, [57] the Dominican, a most holy and
learned priest. That father not only encouraged her, and commended her work,
but also ordered her to give him in writing the story of her spiritual life.
The Saint readily obeyed, and began it in the monastery of the Incarnation,
and finished it in the house of Doña Luisa de la Cerda, in Toledo, in the
month of June, 1562. On the 24th of August, the feast of St. Bartholomew, in
the same year, the Reform of the Carmelites began in the new monastery of
St. Joseph in Avila.

What the Saint wrote for Fra Ibañez has not been found. It is, no doubt,
substantially preserved in her Life, as we have it now, and is supposed to
have reached no further than the end of ch. xxxi. What follows was added by
direction of another Dominican father, confessor of the Saint in the new
monastery of St. Joseph, Fra Garcia of Toledo, who, in 1562, bade her "write
the history of that foundation, and other matters."

But as the Saint carried a heavy burden laid on her by God, a constant fear
of delusion, she had recourse about the same time to the Inquisitor Soto,
who advised her to write a history of her life, send it to Juan of Avila,
the "Apostle of Andalucia," and abide by his counsel. As the direction of
Fra Garcia of Toledo and the advice of the Inquisitor must have been given,
according to her account, about the same time, the Life, as we have it now,
must have occupied her nearly six years in the writing of it, which may well
be owing to her unceasing care in firmly establishing the new monastery of
St. Joseph. The book at last was sent to Blessed Juan of Avila by her friend
Doña Luisa de la Cerda, and that great master of the spiritual life wrote
the following censure of it:

"The grace and peace of Jesus Christ be with you always.

"1. When I undertook to read the book sent me, it was not so much because
I thought myself able to judge of it, as because I thought I might, by the
grace of our Lord, learn something from the teachings it contains: and
praised be Christ; for, though I have not been able to read it with the
leisure it requires, I have been comforted by it, and might have been
edified by it, if the fault had not been mine. And although, indeed, I may
have been comforted by it, without saying more, yet the respect due to the
subject and to the person who has sent it will not allow me, I think, to
let it go back without giving my opinion on it, at least in general.

"2. The book is not fit to be in the hands of everybody, for it is
necessary to correct the language in some places, and explain it in
others; and there are some things in it useful for your spiritual

life and not so for others who might adopt them, for the special ways by
which God leads some souls are not meant for others. These points, or the
greater number of them, I have marked for the purpose of arranging them
when I shall be able to do so, and I shall not fail to send them to you;
for if you were aware of my infirmities and necessary occupations, I
believe they would make you pity me rather than blame me for the omission.

"3. The doctrine of prayer is for the most part sound, and you may rely on
it, and observe it; and the raptures I find to possess the tests of those
which are true. What you say of God's way of teaching the soul, without
respect to the imagination and without interior locutions, is safe, and I
find nothing to object to it. St. Augustine speaks well of it.

"4. Interior locutions in these days have been a delusion of many, and
exterior locutions are the least safe. It is easy enough to see when they
proceed from ourselves, but to distinguish between those of a good and
those of an evil spirit is more difficult. There are many rules given for
finding out whether they come from our Lord or not, and one of them is,
that they should be sent us in a time of need, or for some good end, as
for the comforting a man under temptation or in doubt, or as a warning of
coming danger. As a good man will not speak unadvisedly, neither will God;
so, considering this, and that the locutions are agreeable to the holy
writings and the teaching of the Church, my opinion is that the locutions
mentioned in the book came from God.

"5. Imaginary or bodily visions are those which are most doubtful, and
should in no wise be desired, and if they come undesired still they should
be shunned as much as possible, yet not by treating them with contempt,
unless it be certain that they come from an evil spirit; indeed, I was
filled with horror, and greatly distressed, when I read of the gestures of
contempt that were made. [58] People ought to entreat our Lord not to lead
them by the way of visions, but to reserve for them in Heaven the blessed
vision of Himself and the saints, and to guide them here along the beaten
path as He guides His faithful servants, and they must take other good
measures for avoiding these visions.

"6. But if the visions continue after all this is done, and if the soul
derives good from them, and if they do not lead to vanity, but deeper
humility, and if the locutions be at one with the teaching the Church, and
if they continue for any time, and that with inward satisfaction better
felt than described there is no reason for avoiding them. But no one ought
to rely on his own judgment herein; he should make everything known to him
who can give him light. That is the universal remedy to be had recourse to
in such matters, together with hope in God, Who will not let a soul that
wishes to be safe lie under a delusion, if it be humble enough to yield
obedience to the opinion of others.

"7. Nor should any one cause alarm by condemning them forthwith, because
he sees that the person to whom they are granted is not perfect, for it is
nothing new that our Lord in His goodness makes wicked people just, yea,
even grievous sinners; by giving them to taste most deeply of His
sweetness. I have seen it so myself. Who will set bounds to the goodness
of our Lord? especially when these graces are given, not for merit, nor
because one is stronger; on the contrary, they are given to one because he
is weaker; and as they do not make one more holy, they are not always
given to the most holy.

"8. They are unreasonable who disbelieve these things merely because they
are most high things, and because it seems to them incredible that
infinite Majesty humbles Himself to these loving relations with one of His
creatures. It is written, God is love, and if He is love, then infinite
love and infinite goodness, and we must not be surprised if such a love
and such a goodness breaks out into such excesses of love as disturb those
who know nothing of it. And though many know of it by faith, still, as to
that special experience of the loving, and more than loving, converse of
God with whom He will, if not had, how deep it reaches can never be known;
and so I have seen many persons scandalized at hearing of what God in His
love does for His creatures. As they are themselves very far away from it,
they cannot think that God will do for others what He is not doing for
them. As this is an effect of love, and that a love which causes wonder,
reason requires we should look upon it as a sign of its being from God,
seeing that He is wonderful in His works, and most especially in those of
his compassion; but they take occasion from this to be distrustful, which
should have been a ground of confidence, when other circumstances combine
as evidences of these visitations being good.

"9. It seems from the book, I think, that you have resisted, and even
longer than was right. I think, too, that these locutions have done your
soul good, and in particular that they have made you see your own
wretchedness and your faults more clearly, and amend them. They have
lasted long, and always with spiritual profit. They move you to love God,
and to despise yourself, and to do penance. I see no reasons for
condemning them, I incline rather to regard them as good, provided you are
careful not to rely altogether on them, especially if they are unusual, or
bid you do something out of the way, or are not very plain. In all these
and the like cases you must withhold your belief in them, and at once seek
for direction.

"10. Also it should be considered that, even if they do come from God,
Satan may mix with them suggestions of his own; you should therefore be
always suspicious of them. Also, when they are known to be from God, men
must not rest much on them, seeing that holiness does not lie in them, but
in a humble love of God and our neighbour; everything else, however good,
must be feared, and our efforts directed to the gaining of humility,
goodness, and the love of our Lord. It is seemly, also, not to worship
what is seen in these visions, but only Jesus Christ, either as in Heaven
or in the Sacrament, or, if it be a vision of the Saints, then to lift up
the heart to the Holy One in Heaven, and not to that which is presented to
the imagination: let it suffice that the imagination may be made use of
for the purpose of raising me up to that which it makes me see.

"11. I say, too, that the things mentioned in this book befall other
persons even in this our day, and that there is great certainty that they
come from God, Whose arm is not shortened that He cannot do now what He
did in times past, and that in weak vessels, for His own glory.

"12. Go on your road, but always suspecting robbers, and asking for the
right way; give thanks to our Lord, Who has given you His love, the
knowledge of yourself, and a love of penance and the cross, making no
account of these other things. However, do not despise them either, for
there are signs that most of them come from our Lord, and those that do
not come from Him will not hurt you if you ask for direction.

"13. I cannot believe that I have written this in my own strength, for I
have none, but it is the effect of your prayers. I beg of you, for the
love of Jesus Christ our Lord, to burden yourself with a prayer for me; He
knows that I am asking this in great need, and I think that is enough to
make you grant my request. I ask your permission to stop now, for I am
bound to write another letter. May Jesus be glorified in all and by all!
Amen.

"Your servant, for Christ's sake.

"Juan de Avila

"Montilla, 12th Sept., 1568."

Her confessors, having seen the book, "commanded her to make copies of it,"
[59] one of which has been traced into the possession of the Duke and
Duchess of Alva.

The Princess of Eboli, in 1569, obtained a copy from the Saint herself,
after much importunity; but it was more out of vanity or curiosity, it is to
be feared, than from any real desire to learn the story of the Saint's
spiritual life, that the Princess desired the boon. She and her husband
promised to keep it from the knowledge of others, but the promise given was
not kept. The Saint heard within a few days later that the book was in the
hands of the servants of the Princess, who was angry with the Saint because
she had refused to admit, at the request of the Princess, an Augustinian nun
into the Order of Carmel in the new foundation of Pastrana. The contents of
the book were bruited abroad, and the visions and revelations of the Saint
were said to be of a like nature with those of Magdalene of the Cross, a
deluded and deluding nun. The gossip in the house of the Princess was
carried to Madrid, and the result was that the Inquisition began to make a
search for the book. [60] It is not quite clear, however, that it was seized
at this time.

The Princess became a widow in July, 1573, and insisted on becoming a
Carmelite nun in the house she and her husband, Ruy Gomez, had founded in
Pastrana. When the news of her resolve reached the monastery, the
mother-prioress, Isabel of St. Dominic, exclaimed, "The Princess a nun! I
look on the house as ruined." The Princess came, and insisted on her right
as foundress; she had compelled a friar to give her the habit before her
husband was buried, and when she came to Pastrana she began her religious
life by the most complete disobedience and disregard of common propriety.
Don Vicente's description of her is almost literally correct, though
intended only for a general summary of her most childish conduct:

"On the death of the Prince of Eboli, the Princess would become a nun in her
monastery of Pastrana. The first day she had a fit of violent fervour; on
the next she relaxed the rule; on the third she broke it, and conversed with
secular people within the cloisters. She was also so humble that she
required the nuns to speak to her on their knees, and insisted upon their
receiving into the house as religious whomsoever she pleased. Hereupon
complaints were made to St. Teresa, who remonstrated with the Princess, and
showed her how much she was in the wrong, whereupon she replied that the
monastery was hers; but the Saint proved to her that the nuns were not, and
had them removed to Segovia." [61]

The nuns were withdrawn from Pastrana in April, 1574, and then the anger of
the Princess prevailed; she sent the Life of the Saint, which she had still
in her possession, to the Inquisition, and denounced it as a book containing
visions, revelations, and dangerous doctrines, which the Inquisitors should
look into and examine: The book was forthwith given to theologians for
examination, and two Dominican friars, of whom Bañes was one, were delegated
censors of it by the Inquisition. [62]

Fra Bañes did not know the Saint when he undertook her defence in Avila
against the authorities of the city, eager to destroy the monastery of
St. Joseph; [63] but from that time forth he was one of her most faithful
friends, strict and even severe, as became a wise director who had a great
Saint for his penitent. He testifies in the process of her beatification
that he was firm and sharp with her; while she herself was the more desirous
of his counsel, the more he humbled her, and the less he appeared to esteem
her. [64] When he found that copies of her life were in the hands of secular
people, he had probably also heard of the misconduct of the Princess of
Eboli, he showed his displeasure to the Saint, and told her he would burn
the book, it being unseemly that the writings of women should be made
public. The Saint left it in his hands, but Fra Bañes, struck with her
humility, had not the courage to burn it; he sent it to the Holy Office in
Madrid. [65] Thus the book was in a sense denounced twice, once by an enemy,
the second time by a friend, to save it. Both the Saint and her confessor,
Fra Bañes, state that the copy given up by the latter was sent to the
Inquisition in Madrid, and Fra Bañes says so twice in his deposition. The
Inquisitor Soto returned the copy to Fra Bañes, desiring him to read it, and
give his opinion thereon. Fra Bañes did so, and wrote his "censure" of the
book on the blank leaves at the end. That censure still remains, and is one
of the most important, because given during the lifetime of the Saint, and
while many persons were crying out against her. Bañes wished it had been
published when the Saint's Life was given to the world by Fra Luis de Leon;
but notwithstanding its value, and its being preserved in the book which is
in the handwriting of the Saint, no one before Don Vicente made it known. It
was easy enough to praise the writings of St. Teresa, and to admit her
sanctity, after her death. Fra Bañes had no external help in the applause of
the many, and he had to judge the book as a theologian, and the Saint as one
of his ordinary penitents. When he wrote, he wrote like a man whose whole
life was spent, as he tells us himself, "in lecturing and disputing." [66]

That censure is as follows:

"1. This book, wherein Teresa of Jesus, Carmelite nun, and foundress of
the Barefooted Carmelites, gives a plain account of the state of her soul,
in order to be taught and directed by her confessors, has been examined by
me, and with much attention, and I have not found anywhere in it anything
which, in my opinion, is erroneous in doctrine. On the contrary, there are
many things in it highly edifying and instructive for those who give
themselves to prayer. The great experience of this religious, her
discretion also and her humility, which made her always seek for light and
learning in her confessors, enabled her to speak with an accuracy on the
subject of prayer that the most learned men, through their want of
experience, have not always attained to. One thing only there is about the
book that may reasonably cause any hesitation till it shall be very
carefully examined; it contains many visions and revelations, matters
always to be afraid of, especially in women, who are very ready to believe
of them that they come from God, and to look on them as proofs of
sanctity, though sanctity does not lie in them. On the contrary, they
should be regarded as dangerous trials for those who are aiming at
perfection, because Satan is wont to transform himself into an angel of
light, [67] and to deceive souls which are curious and of scant humility,
as we have seen in our day: nevertheless, we must not therefore lay down a
general rule that all revelations and visions come from the devil. If it
were so, St. Paul could not have said that Satan transforms himself into
an angel of light, if the angel of light did not sometimes enlighten us.

"2. Saints, both men and women, have had revelations, not only in ancient,
but also in modern times; such were St. Dominic, St. Francis, St. Vincent
Ferrer, St. Catherine of Siena, St. Gertrude, and many others that might
be named; and as the Church of God is, and is to be, always holy to the
end, not only because her profession is holiness, but because there are in
her just persons and perfect in holiness, it is unreasonable to despise
visions and revelations, and condemn them in one sweep, seeing they are
ordinarily accompanied with much goodness and a Christian life. On the
contrary, we should follow the saying of the Apostle in 1 Thess. v. 19“22:
'Spiritum nolite extinguere. Prophetias nolite spernere. Omnia [autem]
probate: quod bonum est tenete. Ab omni specie mala abstinete vos.' He who
will read St. Thomas on that passage will see how carefully they are to be
examined who, in the Church of God, manifest any particular gift that may
be profitable or hurtful to our neighbour, and how watchful the examiners
ought to be lest the fire of the Spirit of God should be quenched in the
good, and others cowed in the practices of the perfect Christian life.

"3. Judging by the revelations made to her, this woman, even though she
may be deceived in something, is at least not herself a deceiver, because
she tells all the good and the bad so simply, and with so great a wish to
be correct, that no doubt can be made as to her good intention; and the
greater the reason for trying spirits of this kind, because there are
persons in our day who are deceivers with the appearance of piety, the
more necessary it is to defend those who, with the appearance, have also
the reality, of piety. For it is a strange thing to see how lax and
worldly people delight in seeing those discredited who have an appearance
of goodness. God complained of old, by the Prophet Ezekiel, ch. xiii., of
those false prophets who made the just to mourn and who flattered sinners,
saying: 'Maerere fecistis cor justi mendaciter, quem Ego non contristavi:
et comfortastis manus impii.' In a certain sense this may be said of those
who frighten souls who are going on by the way of prayer and perfection,
telling them that this way is singular and full of danger, that many who
went by it have fallen into delusions, and that the safest way is that
which is plain and common, travelled by all.

"4. Words of this kind, clearly, sadden the hearts of those who would
observe the counsels of perfection in continual prayer, so far as it is
possible for them, and in much fasting, watching, and disciplines; and, on
the other hand, the lax and the wicked take courage and lose the fear of
God, because they consider the way on which they are travelling as the
safer: and this is their delusion, they call that a plain and safe road
which is the absence of the knowledge and consideration of the dangers and
precipices amidst which we are all of us journeying in this world.
Nevertheless, there is no other security than that which lies in our
knowing our daily enemies, and in humbly imploring the compassion of God,
if we would not be their prisoners. Besides, there are souls whom God, in
a way, constrains to enter on the way of perfection, and who, if they
relaxed in their fervour, could not keep a middle course, but would
immediately fall into the other extreme of sins, and for souls of this
kind it is of the utmost necessity that they should watch and pray without
ceasing; and, in short, there is nobody whom lukewarmness does not injure.
Let every man examine his own conscience, and he will find this to be the
truth.

"5. I firmly believe that if God for a time bears with the lukewarm, it is
owing to the prayers of the fervent, who are continually crying, 'et ne
nos inducas in tentationem.' I have said this, not for the purpose of
honouring those whom we see walking in the way of contemplation; for it is
another extreme into which the world falls, and a covert persecution of
goodness, to pronounce those holy forthwith who have the appearance of it.
For that would be to furnish them with motives for vain-glory, and would
do little honour to goodness; on the contrary, it would expose it to great
risks, because, when they fall who have been objects of praise, the honour
of goodness suffers more than if those people had not been so esteemed.
And so I look upon this exaggeration of their holiness who are still
living in the world to be a temptation of Satan. That we should have a
good opinion of the servants of God is most just, but let us consider them
always as people in danger, however good they may be, and that their
goodness is not so evident that we can be sure of it even now.

"6. Considering myself that what I have said is true, I have always
proceeded cautiously in the examination of this account of the prayer and
life of this nun, and no one has been more incredulous than myself as to
her visions and revelations, not so, however as to her goodness and her
good desires, for herein I have had great experience of her truthfulness,
her obedience, mortification, patience, and charity towards her
persecutors, and of her other virtues, which any one who will converse
with her will discern; and this is what may be regarded as a more certain
proof of her real love of God than these visions and revelations. I do
not, however, undervalue her visions, revelations, and ecstasies; on the
contrary, I suspect them to be the work of God, as they have been in
others who were Saints. But in this case it is always safer to be afraid
and wary; for if she is confident about them, Satan will take occasion to
interfere, and that which was once, perhaps, the work of God, may be
changed into something else, and that will be the devil's.

"7. I am of opinion that this book is not to be shown to every one, but
only to men of learning, experience, and Christian discretion. It
perfectly answers the purpose for which it was written, namely, that the
nun should give an account of the state of her soul to those who had the
charge of it, in order that she might not fall into delusions. Of one
thing I am very sure, so far as it is possible for a man to be, she is not
a deceiver; she deserves, therefore, for her sincerity, that all should be
favourable to her in her good purposes and good works. For within the last
thirteen years she has, I believe, founded a dozen monasteries of
Barefooted Carmelite nuns, the austerity and perfection of which are
exceeded by none other; of which they who have been visitors of them, as
the Dominican Provincial, master in theology, [68] Fra Pedro Fernandez,
the master Fra Hernando del Castillo, and many others, speak highly. This
is what I think, at present, concerning the censure of this book,
submitting my judgment herein to that of Holy Church our mother, and
her ministers.

"Given in the College of St. Gregory, Valladolid, on the sixth day of
July, 1575.

"Fra Domingo Bañes."

The book remained in the keeping of the Inquisition, and the Saint never saw
it again. But she heard of it from the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal
Quiroga, President of the Supreme Court of the Inquisition, when she applied
to him for license to found a monastery in Madrid. Jerome of the Mother of
God was with her; and heard the Cardinal's reply. His Eminence said he was
glad to see her; that a book of hers had been in the Holy Office for some
years, and had been rigorously examined; that he had read it himself, and
regarded it as containing sound and wholesome doctrine. He would grant the
license, and do whatever he could for the Saint. When she heard this, she
wished to present a petition to the Inquisition for the restitution of her
book; but Gratian thought it better to apply to the Duke of Alba for the
copy which he had, and which the Inquisitors had allowed him to retain and
read. The Duke gave his book to Fra Jerome, who had copies of it made for
the use of the monasteries both of men and women. [69]

Anne of Jesus, in 1586, founding a monastery of her Order in Madrid, the
Saint had died in 1582, made inquiries about the book, and applied to the
Inquisition for it, for she was resolved to publish the writings of her
spiritual mother. The Inquisitors made no difficulty, and consented to the
publication. In this she was seconded by the Empress Maria, daughter of
Charles V., and widow of Maximilian II., who had obtained one of the copies
which Fra Jerome of the Mother of God had ordered to be made. Fra Nicholas
Doria, then Provincial, asked Fra Luis de Leon, the Augustinian, to edit the
book, who consented. He was allowed to compare the copy furnished him with
the original in the keeping of the Inquisition; but his edition has not been
considered accurate, notwithstanding the facilities given him, and his great
reverence for the Saint. It was published in Salamanca, A.D. 1588.

With the Life of the Saint, Fra Luis de Leon received certain papers in the
handwriting of the Saint, which he published as an additional chapter.
Whether he printed all he received, or merely made extracts, may be
doubtful, but anyhow that chapter is singularly incomplete. Don Vicente de
la Fuente, from whose edition (Madrid, 1861, 1862) this translation has been
made, omitted the additional chapter of Fra Luis de Leon, contrary to the
practice of his predecessors. But he has done more, for he has traced the
paragraphs of that chapter to their sources, and has given us now a
collection of papers which form almost another Life of the Saint, to which
he has given their old name of Relations, [70] the name which the Saint
herself had given them. [71] Some of them are usually printed among the
Saint's letters, and portions of some of the others are found in the Lives
of the Saint written by Ribera and Yepes, and in the Chronicle of the Order;
the rest was published for the first time by Don Vicente: the arrangement of
the whole is due to him.

The Relations are ten in the Spanish edition, and eleven in the translation.
The last, the eleventh, has hitherto been left among the letters, and Don
Vicente, seemingly not without some hesitation, so left it; but as it is of
the like nature with the Relations, it has now been added to them.

The original text, in the handwriting of the Saint, is preserved in the
Escurial, not in the library, but among the relics of the Church. Don
Vicente examined it at his leisure, and afterwards found in the National
Library in Madrid an authentic and exact transcript of it, made by order of
Ferdinand VI. His edition is, therefore, far better than any of its
predecessors; but it is possible that even now there may still remain some
verbal errors for future editors to correct. The most conscientious
diligence is not a safeguard against mistakes. F. Bouix says that in ch.
xxxiv.§ 12, the reading of the original differs from that of the printed
editions; yet Don Vicente takes no notice of it, and retains the common
reading. It is impossible to believe that F. Bouix has stated as a fact that
which is not. Again, in [97]ch. xxxix.§ 29, the printed editions have after
the words, "Thou art Mine, and I am thine," "I am in the habit . . . .
sincerity;" but Don Vicente omits them. This may have been an oversight, for
in general he points out in his notes all the discrepancies between the
printed editions and the original text.

A new translation of the Life of St. Teresa seems called for now, because
the original text has been collated since the previous translations were
made, and also because those translations are exceedingly scarce. The first
is believed to be this it is a small quarto:

"The Lyf of the Mother Teresa of Jesus, Foundresse of the Monasteries of the
Discalced or Bare-footed Carmelite Nunnes and Fryers of the First Rule.

"Written by herself at the commaundement of her ghostly father, and now
translated into English out of Spanish. By W. M., of the Society of Jesus.

"Imprinted in Antwerp by Henry Jaye. Anno MDCXI."

Some thirty years afterwards, Sir Tobias Matthew, S.J., dissatisfied, as he
says, with the former translation, published another, with the following
title; the volume is a small octavo in form:

"The Flaming Hart, or the Life of the glorious St. Teresa, Foundresse of the
Reformation of the Order of the All-Immaculate Virgin Mother, our B. Lady of
Mount Carmel.

"This History of her Life was written by the Saint in Spanish, and is newly
translated into English in the year of our Lord God 1642.

'Aut mori aut pati:

Either to dye or else to suffer.' Chap. xl.

"Antwerpe, printed by Joannes Meursius. Anno MDCXLII."

The next translation was made by Abraham Woodhead, and published in 1671,
without the name of the translator, or of the printer, or of the place of
publication. It is in quarto, and bears the following title:

"The Life of the Holy Mother St. Teresa, Foundress of the Reformation of the
Discalced Carmelites according to the Primitive Rule. Printed in the year
MDCLXXI."

It is not said that the translation was made from the Spanish, and there are
grounds for thinking it to have been made from the Italian. Ch. xxxii. is
broken off at the end of§ 10; and ch. xxxiii., therefore, is ch. xxxvii.
That which is there omitted has been thrown into the Book of the
Foundations, which, in the translation of Mr. Woodhead, begins with§ 11 of
ch. xxxii. of the Life, as it also does in the Italian translation. It is
due, however, to Mr. Woodhead to say that he has printed five of the
Relations separately, not as letters, but as what they really are, and with
that designation.

The last translation is that of the Very Reverend John Dalton, Canon of
Northampton, which is now, though twice published, almost as scarce as its
predecessors. The title is:

"The Life of St. Teresa, written by herself, and translated from the Spanish
by the Rev. John Dalton. London, MDCCCLI."

Septuagesima, 1870.
_________________________________________________________________

[45] Fr. Anton. a St. Joseph, in his note on letter 16, but letter 41, vol.
iv. ed. Doblado.

[46] Reforma de los Descalços. lib. i. ch. vii.§ 3.

[47] [98]Ch. iii.§ 2.

[48] [99]Ch. iii.§ 9.

[49] [100]Ch. i.§ 3.

[50] [101]Ch. xxiii.§ 2.

[51] [102]Ch. xxiii.§ 8.

[52] [103]Id.§ 12.

[53] [104]Ch. xxiv.§ 1.

[54] [105]Id.§ 4.

[55] [106]Ch. xxix.§ 4.

[56] [107]Ch. xxxiii.§ 6.

[57] The Saint held him in great reverence, and in one of her letters lett.
355, but lett. 100, vol. ii. ed. Doblado calls him a founder of her Order,
because of the great services he had rendered her, and told her nuns of
Seville that they need not be veiled in his presence, though they must be so
in the presence of everybody else, and even the friars of the Reform.

[58] See [108]Life, ch. xxix.§ 6.

[59] [109]Rel. vii.§ 9.

[60] Reforma de los Descalços, lib. ii. c. xxviii.§ 6.

[61] Introduccion al libro de la Vida, vol. i. p. 3.

[62] Jerome Gratian, Lucidario, c. iv.

[63] [110]Life, ch. xxxvi.§ 15.

[64] The Saint says of herself, [111]Rel. vii.§ 18, that "she took the
greatest pains not to submit the state of her soul to any one who she
thought would believe that these things came from God, for she was instantly
afraid that the devil would deceive them both."

[65] [112]Rel. vii.§ 16.

[66] "Como hombre criado toda mi vida en leer y disputar" (De la Fuente, ii.
p. 376).

[67] 2 Cor. xi. 14: "Ipse enim Satanas transfigurat se in angelum lucis."

[68] The other theologian appointed by the Inquisition, with Fra Bañes, to
examine the "Life."

[69] This took place in the year 1580, according to the Chronicler of the
Order (Reforma de los Descalços, lib. v. c. xxxv.§ 4); and the Bollandists
(n. 1536) accept his statement. Fra Jerome says he was Provincial of his
Order at the time; and as he was elected only on the 4th of March, 1581,
according to the Chronicler and the Bollandists, it is more likely that the
audience granted to them by the Cardinal took place in 1581.

[70] Reforma de los Descalços, lib. v. c. xxxiv.§ 4: "Relaciones de su
espiritu."

[71] [113]Rel. ii.§ 18.
_________________________________________________________________

Annals of the Saint's Life.

By Don Vicente de la Fuente.

These are substantially the same with those drawn up by the Bollandists, but
they are fuller and more minute, and furnish a more detai